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Ethics Training for Law Enforcement

    Mankind censure injustice fearing that they may be the victim of it, and not because they shrink from
    committing it.

    Dr. Frank Kardasz

    Using case studies of real or theoretical misconduct incidents is a teaching  method often employed in law
    enforcement training. The case study method can be applied in several ways. Introspective self-initiated
    learning by individual students, each reading and thinking through the cases, is one method of using case
    studies. Another method is to use case studies in a collaborative group-learning environment, permitting
    students to work together to solve problems. Some excellent case study tools have been developed and
    implemented by various ethics instructors including  Hinman (1), and  Goree (2).

    In Law Enforcement Ethics: Using Officers' Dilemmas as a Teaching Tool, Pollock and Becker conclude:

      An ethical philosophy is shaped by the way an officer deals with the confusion, ambiguity, and
      compromise that occurs in the course of duty. The recognition of these common dilemmas, the
      acknowledgment of various ethical systems, and the resolution of these dilemmas by using
      a personal ethical philosophical framework should provide a working foundation to mediate all
      dilemmas, large and small.(3)

    Howard Lebowitz and Robert Lunney, along with the Police Executive Research Forum and the Los Angeles
    Police Department, developed a manual for teaching through the case study method. The manual was
    developed via a grant from the U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing Services.
    The manual is titled: Policing in a Democracy: Case Book, a Guide for the Development and Use of the Case
    Study Method of Instruction. (4) Based on the learning theories of Benjamin Bloom, the guidebook provides an
    excellent framework describing the varying ways in which the case study method can be used.


    (1) Ethics Forum, Ethics Case Studies, Retrieved April 29, 2003 from http://ethics.sandiego.

    (2) Goree, K. (2001). Ethics, it's Just Good Business. The Southwestern Balance Sheet,
    ThompsonLearning, Retrieved April 29, 2003 from

    (3) Pollock, J. M., & Becker, R.F. (1995, Spring). Law enforcement ethics: Using officers' dilemmas as a
    teaching  tool. Journal of Criminal Justice Education, Vol. 5 (1), 20. Retrieved April 29, 2003 from http://www.fbi.

    (4) Lebowitz, H. & Lunney, R. (2001, June). Policing in a democracy, Case book, A guide for the development
    and use of the case study method of instruction. Los Angeles Police Department Training Division, Police
    Executive Research Forum. Grant 3970CX006, U.S. Dept. of Justice, Office of Community Oriented Policing

    Arizona POST

    The Arizona Police Officers Standards and Training Board  publishes case studies of actual ethic violations
    involving officers whose law enforcement certification was revoked or suspended due to misconduct. The case
    studies are available on-line in the AZ Post Integrity Bulletin. (1) Each bulletin provides descriptions violations
    and the Board's decisions without revealing the names of the violators or the Arizona law enforcement
    agencies involved. This interesting variation of the case study training method provides anyone with Internet
    access the ability to examine actual incidents of misconduct and the resulting discipline. The web site also
    permits those interested in receiving the bulletins via e-mail to be added to their mailing list.


    (1) Arizona Peace Officer's Standards and Training Board. AZ Post Integrity Bulletin. Retrieved May 18, 2003


    Criticisms of the Case Study Method as a Teaching Tool

    The case study method is also sometimes referred to as quandary ethics. According to Mitchell and Scott,
    authors of "America's Problems and Needed Reforms," quandary ethics concern tangible and concrete moral
    dilemmas. Business schools, they state, often teach ethical and moral issues as problems to be solved. They
    believe that when organizational rules are applied in solving quandary problems they are seldom sufficient,
    because they do little to enhance moral character. The solution, according to Mitchell and Scott, is to go beyond
    quandary ethics by educating through moral discourse. (1) They further state:

      While ethics courses may have a place in the business school curriculum,
      they have to be more than a mere appendage to a student's program.  The
      function of ethics courses should be to instill an open, moral, loving humane,
      and broadly informed mentality, so that students may come to see life's trials
      and business's ethical challenges as occasions to live through with integrity
      and courage. Ethics courses must attempt to heighten moral character. (2)

    Regarding the case study as a teaching tool, Susan Harrington states; " One or two case studies cannot
    possibly cover the variety of issues to which the employee may be exposed. Furthermore, new technology often
    creates new ethical dilemmas and the employee may have inadequate background upon which to respond."  
    Harrington also says, "The greatest criticism of the case study approach is that it fails to provide improved
    decision-making or problem solving. Employees are still on their own in reasoning through alternatives." (3)

    Another criticism of the case study method is based on the classroom environment where case studies are
    taught, versus real life where case studies are realized. Critics state that because the case study method is
    conducted in the "sterile" classroom environment, the resulting decisions may differ from those made in the
    field by practitioners confronted by added stressors including peer group pressure.


    (1) Mitchell, T.R., & Scott, W.G. (1990). America?s Problems and Needed Reforms: Confronting the Ethic of
    Personal Advantage. Academy of Management Executive 4, no. 3, 28-29.

    (2) ibid.

    (3) Harrington, S.J. (1991, February). What Corporate America is Teaching About Ethics. Academy of  
    Management Executive, Vol. 5. (1), 21-31.      

    The following stories pertaining to alleged law enforcement misconduct, are meant to inform the reader and to
    stimulate discussion and thought regarding the difficult dilemmas which officers find themselves in every day.

    Story about allegations that the promotions of Tennessee State Troopers were tied to their political campaign

    Troopers with 'politics' win out on promotions

    By Brad Schrade, November 11, 2005

    Tennesseen - Two-thirds of Tennessee Highway Patrol officers tapped for promotion under Gov. Phil
    Bredesen gave money to his campaign or had family or political patrons who did, a Tennessean investigation
    has found. Among those with such connections, more than half were promoted over troopers who scored
    better on impartial exams or rankings, according to an analysis by the newspaper of three years of the patrol's
    promotions and proposed promotions.

    The situation is not unique to Bredesen, insiders say, but has been a signature of the patrol for much of its 76-
    year history: outside politics, campaign contributions and a culture of favors for the powerful are a tradition and
    expectation — despite state civil-service rules designed to shield the patrol from political influence. While
    Bredesen has recently said he wants to change that culture in the THP, there is little evidence that he has done
    so in the first three years of his administration. In the THP, the rank-and-file refer to a trooper's connections as
    "his politics." "You don't get promoted without it," said longtime THP officer R.L. Dowdy of East Tennessee,
    who retired in 2003 after failing in a bid for higher rank. "It shouldn't be that way." Safety Commissioner Fred
    Phillips denied interview requests on this story for more than a month, but granted one on Thursday. He said
    he was unaware of any connection between promotions and donations to Bredesen. "Anyone I've promoted,
    I've never looked at a contributor list and never had the personal knowledge that they made a contribution,"
    Phillips said. "A lot of these people I don't even know the face or name. Recommendations come to me from
    the ranking career officials throughout the Highway Patrol."

    Both Phillips and Col. Lynn Pitts, the patrol's top uniformed officer, sign off on promotions. Both are Bredesen
    appointees who gave or whose family members gave more than $2,000 to his campaign; Phillips also headed
    Bredesen's 2002 campaign in Washington County. The newspaper's analysis of three years of promotions,
    including 126 cases in which THP officers were either promoted or proposed for promotion since Bredesen
    took office in 2003, found:

    Sixty-two of the promoted officers — 49% — contributed or had close family members who contributed to the
    governor's campaign before they were promoted. • Thirty-six officers who gave campaign money or whose
    family members gave to Bredesen advanced even though their promotion test scores or ratings were lower
    than those of other applicants. Among that group were Pitts' two sons, who are also state troopers. • The
    patrol's promotion process is complemented by its "recommendation" system, in which candidates seek the
    blessing of political patrons and donors. Twenty-five officers who were promoted or proposed for promotion
    did not give to Bredesen, but had references who did. Of those officers, 13 were promoted over troopers who
    outscored them. In promoting officers with lower promotion scores who have political connections, the agency
    sometimes uses a looser set of standards designed for outside hires.

    After being told of The Tennessean's findings, the state Personnel Department said it would review whether
    that "loophole" should be closed to keep the system from being "manipulated." "To the extent the internal
    workings of a police department is not basing its promotions on merit and the quality of the officers, and
    instead on whose back is being scratched, it raises questions about the integrity of the entire organization,"
    said Stefanie Lindquist, a Vanderbilt political science and law professor. "It's hard to believe that an institution
    who doesn't treat its employees in an even-handed fashion would treat those outside the organization any
    better." 'It's always been there' With their khaki-and-green outfits and distinctive flat-brimmed hats, the nearly
    1,000 uniformed officers of the Tennessee Highway Patrol enforce the state's traffic laws on 87,000 miles of
    roads in 95 counties. Patterned after the legendary Texas Rangers, the THP's officers investigated 31,000
    wrecks, made nearly 2,000 felony arrests and dealt with 195,000 moving violations and drunken drivers in
    2003-04. But the agency, which the state budget allots about $72 million a year, has a habit of making
    supervisors out of troopers who donated to the governor's campaign, according to the newspaper's review.

    Take Don Nicholson, 49, of White House. He had the lowest score of the 15 sergeants on the THP's Nashville
    district promotions roster for lieutenant in 2001. He scored an 81; the next-lowest score was a 90. But he was
    promoted to lieutenant in 2003, not long after Bredesen took office. He and his family had given $350 to
    Bredesen's 2002 race, according to campaign-finance records. Five other sergeants who outscored Nicholson
    in his testing group were not promoted, state records show. Nicholson, who declined to comment for this
    story, gave an additional $200 to Bredesen in 2003 and $100 in 2004, campaign records show. He was
    scheduled for another promotion this past August, this time to captain. That advancement was put on hold,
    along with the rest of the THP's pending promotions, after The Tennessean raised questions about the

    Breseden has gleaned more than $30,000 from 62 officers who were promoted or tapped for promotion or
    their families in the past three years, records show. Troopers and former troopers from across the state told
    the newspaper they feel pressured to contribute money to campaigns — and to encourage people they know
    to give or risk losing out on promotions. "It's very political," said Bill Campbell, a West Tennessean who
    recently retired from the patrol as a lieutenant. "Every governor I know since I've been there has said they're
    going to take politics out of the Highway Patrol. It ain't going to happen. It's always been there." Indeed,
    allegations that patrol officers were pressured for contributions came up in the 1952 governor's race. The victor
    that year, Frank Clement, wrote to each THP officer during the campaign, promising not to pressure the
    patrolmen for donations: "This practice is a disgraceful one which violates the dignity of your profession in
    addition to placing an unfair strain on your pocket." However, Gov. Clement's own campaign for U.S. Senate
    was accused by THP officers in a 1966 Tennessean story of ordering a "shakedown," in which troopers were
    told to bring 10% of one month's take-home pay to the campaign treasurer at the Hermitage Hotel downtown.
    Decades later, highway patrolmen are still opening their wallets, campaign finance records show. Some THP
    officers and their spouses gave $50 or $100 to Bredesen, the newspaper found. Others gave thousands, like

    Trooper Robert E. Carter II, who with his family gave Bredesen $5,000 and was promoted to sergeant last year
    despite an 88 score that put him in the bottom half of his testing group, according to state records. Carter
    declined to comment. Campaign contributions can be significant for troopers. The Carter family's $5,000
    contribution equals 16% of a state trooper's starting annual pay of about $30,500. Starting pay for a sergeant is
    roughly $37,000, and for a lieutenant, $42,500. Approached in August, Bredesen said he succeeded in
    removing politics from the promotions of the Nashville Police Department when he was mayor. He said he
    wants the Highway Patrol headed in that direction, too. "We need to professionalize the department," Bredesen
    said. "We need especially to treat young people in the department in a way that they think the way they get
    ahead is to do a good job as opposed to making friendships. And I'm headed in that direction." Contacted for
    comment on the specifics of this story, Bredesen spokeswoman Lydia Lenker last week said the governor
    was busy and therefore unavailable.

    The top echelons of the THP's leadership are political appointees like Phillips and Pitts, many of them giving
    thousands of dollars to Bredesen's campaign, a setup no different from many other state agencies. However,
    THP officers below the rank of captain — its troopers, sergeants and lieutenants — are supposed to be
    covered by the state's civil service rules, which are intended to remove politics from state personnel decisions.
    At the THP's neighbor to the north, state law bans officers of the Kentucky State Police from "giving, soliciting or
    receiving" contributions to political candidates. "It erases any question of favoritism based on political
    affiliation," said Maj. Lisa Rudzinski, spokeswoman for the Kentucky State Police. "Their oath of office is to the
    true letter of the law, not to anyone or any political party." In Tennessee, political contributions were among the
    issues raised in a lawsuit filed by a former East Tennessee trooper,

    Lt. Bryan Farmer, who said he was retaliated against, demoted and eventually fired after supporting
    Republican Van Hilleary over Bredesen in 2002. The trooper's boss, Capt. Charles Laxton, and his family gave
    $3,700 to Bredesen during the 2002 race, records show.

    Laxton declined to speak in detail for this story, citing pending lawsuits, but said he "categorically denies" the
    accusations and looks forward to telling his side of the story in court. But in a recorded conversation that has
    been transcribed and entered as evidence in the case, Laxton said campaign work is "the way I got where I'm
    at." "If you want to get paid off, you know," Laxton was recorded as saying, "… you might be on the winning side,
    is all I heard."

    Tracking patronage
    In a high-tech world, computer spreadsheets are increasingly relied on by police officers tracking, sorting and
    analyzing everything from traffic accidents to shootings. The Tennessee Highway Patrol also has a
    spreadsheet that keeps track of political patrons of THP officers and job candidates. Congressmen, state
    legislators, Bredesen administration officials, political donors, rural Democratic Party leaders — their names
    are legion in the spreadsheet of those who put in a good word for a trooper in recent years. It doesn't specify
    which ones gave to the governor's campaign, but that information is obtainable by the public from other
    sources. The promotion applications troopers fill out also have spaces to list references, and many do.

    Of the 126 THP promotions and proposed promotions the newspaper reviewed, state records show 13
    officers did not donate to Bredesen but had references from donors and were promoted or slated for
    promotion over at least one other trooper who outscored them. Sgt. Tony Barham is one of them. Sgt.
    Barham's test score of 94 was the fifth-best score in his group of sergeants from the Jackson district. Yet he
    was one of two in that group slated to be promoted to lieutenant this past August, before the promotions were
    scrapped. Barham said he didn't make any contributions to Bredesen, and the newspaper found no record that
    he or his family gave. But his references did. One is lobbyist Johnny Hayes, Bredesen's fundraising chairman,
    who has given Bredesen $10,000 since 2001. The other is Clark Jones, a Weststate car dealer and major
    Democratic fundraiser who has given $5,500. Both men contacted THP headquarters on Barham's behalf,
    according to agency records. The day before the THP was to announce the new slate of promotions this past
    August, Barham was one of two troopers who drove the governor to a Hardin County fundraiser. In an interview,
    Barham said he didn't know that Hayes or Jones had recommended him (even though his application for
    promotion shows that he listed Jones as a reference). He said he's been friends with both Hayes and Jones
    for years. Barham also said that just because somebody scores higher on a promotion test doesn't mean
    they're the best candidate. "I'm happy to get recommended by whoever," the 17-year THP veteran said. "I hope I
    can say I got promoted based on me." Of nearly 600 people whose names appear in the spreadsheet as
    having recommended a trooper for promotion, just under two-thirds were law-enforcement employees, judges,
    lawyers, or court officials. Most of the rest of the people making recommendations were politically connected
    fundraisers, lawmakers or local politicians.

    In the Thursday interview, Commissioner Phillips said he "pays a lot of attention" to recommendations when
    hiring, but downplayed their importance in promotions. "When I look at people that make recommendations for
    promotion, everything is taken into consideration, but the bottom line is the capabilities of the individual that's a
    candidate for the position," Phillips said.

    Two convicted felons also played a role in helping get officers promoted, records show. One is Harold
    Grooms, 57, an auto dealer from rural Cocke County who has personally given Bredesen $10,000 since
    August 2001 and held an August 2004 fundraiser at his home attended by the governor, according to
    campaign records and the governor's office. Grooms met with the governor in May of this year at the Capitol.
    Grooms was among a series of politicos and others who successfully recommended Trooper Dennis Jenkins
    for promotion to sergeant, according to THP records. The promotion went through in May 2004, five months
    after Grooms' recommendation letter to Commissioner Phillips. Grooms was convicted in 1992 in a case
    involving car theft and a chop shop for stolen cars, and he was sentenced to four years behind bars, according
    to court records and District Attorney General Al Schmutzer Jr. A Democrat, Grooms said he was "real good
    friends" with Jenkins' late father, and that when the son approached him for help, he did what he would for
    anyone. "I've paid my debt," Grooms said. "If I can help anyone, I will, as long as there's nothing wrong with it.
    Mr. Jenkins was number one on the list and he was the best-qualified person for the job. I didn't see no reason
    not to write a letter of recommendation. He'd been on the top of the list and passed over several times under
    the previous administration through, probably, politics, I don't know. He deserved the promotion." Jenkins
    declined to comment for this story.

    The other convicted felon is Gladys Crain, 81, of Halls, Tenn., who headed Bredesen's 2002 campaign in
    Lauderdale County. She and her family were references for two Weststate sergeants who were proposed for
    promotion in August. Their promotions came after they testified on behalf of her grandson, who had been
    charged with drunken driving. Their testimony contradicted the arresting officer, even though they had no
    involvement in the case. THP's entire slate of promotions was called off in August for an internal review after
    The Tennessean wrote about the Lauderdale case. The review is "almost complete," Phillips said Thursday.
    Campbell says he was disgusted by the two sergeants' testimony against another trooper. He said he's had
    enough of politics in the THP and retired this summer after three decades. "When it starts interfering with the
    daily operations of the enforcement of the laws of the state," Campbell said, "that is wrong."

    From The Web Site.
    Retrieved November 18, 2005 from


    Bernard Kerik's alleged acceptance of work from contractors at reduced fees brings scrutiny.

    Builder's Lawyer Says Kerik Had to Know Cost

    By William K. Rashbaum, November 17, 2005

    New York - A day after New Jersey officials said that Bernard B. Kerik had tried to help a mob-connected
    company while it paid for renovations to his apartment, a lawyer for the builder who did the work said Mr. Kerik
    should have known the labor and materials he received were worth tens of thousands of dollars more than he
    paid. The renovated apartment in the Riverdale section of the Bronx has been described in published reports
    as "a gem," with marble baths, a large rotunda entry and a renovated kitchen with a granite countertop and new
    appliances. The lawyer for the builder, Woods Restoration Services, said Mr. Kerik had no reason to believe
    that the extensive renovations done to the apartment in 1999 and 2000 could possibly have been covered by
    payments totaling $17,800, which is what New Jersey authorities said Mr. Kerik paid to Woods. "For him not to
    be aware, he'd have to be more than the world's biggest fool," said the lawyer, Kyle B. Watters. A lawyer for Mr.
    Kerik, who served as correction commissioner and police commissioner under Mayor Rudolph W. Guliani,
    has asserted that his client was unaware that anyone else had paid for the work. The city's Department of
    Investigation and the Bronx district attorney's office have been conducting investigations into the matter. Those
    inquiries were back in the spotlight after court papers containing the accusations were filed on Tuesday by the
    New Jersey Division of Gaming Enforcement. In the court papers, the gambling agency accused Mr. Kerik of
    accepting nearly $200,000 in work from Interstate Industrial Corporation. The agency has long contended that
    Interstate has ties to organized crime, an accusation the company has also long denied. Interstate also hired
    Mr. Kerik's brother, Donald, at a time when Mr. Kerik, then the correction commissioner, was helping the
    company get a license to do business in New York City, the court papers said.

    The accusations were the latest setback for Mr. Kerik, who was nominated late last year to serve as President
    Bush's homeland security secretary but then dropped out, citing possible tax problems involving his family's
    nanny. The court papers, filed as part of the gambling agency's ongoing effort to revoke Interstate's license to
    work on casinos in New Jersey, accused Mr. Kerik of accepting the renovations in exchange for helping the
    company with an unrelated license with the city. The filing renewed questions about the propriety of affixing Mr.
    Kerik's name to a New York City jail. Mayor Michael R. Bloomberg, in response to a reporter's question
    yesterday, said it was too soon to determine whether the jail should be renamed, because Mr. Kerik has been
    neither charged nor convicted. The mayor also said the city's Department of Investigation and the office of the
    Bronx district attorney, Robert T. Johnson, "both are very capable of conducting full, open investigations, and
    we'll see where they come out on the charges." Mr. Kerik, who is working as a security consultant for the
    government of Jordan, has not been available for comment since the papers were filed in Trenton. His lawyer,
    Joseph Tacopina, said Mr. Kerik paid about $30,000 for the work and knew nothing about anyone else paying
    additional money to Woods Restoration Services; Mr. Tacopina questioned the agency's figure for the
    renovations. Mr. Tacopina also dismissed statements by Mr. Watters, the lawyer for Woods Restoration, saying
    Mr. Kerik paid the invoices that were sent to him. He said Mr. Kerik did nothing to try to influence city regulators
    to grant Interstate a license and suggested that the allegations against his client were overblown. Mr. Watters
    said Woods Restoration, which had a longstanding business relationship with Interstate, had nothing to hide
    and did nothing wrong.  Mr. Kerik bought the apartment, at 679 West 239th Street, in 1999 for $170,000 and
    sold it in 2002 for $460,000, an increase in value that Mr. Tacopina said was consistent with real estate prices
    in the area.

    The owners of Interstate, the brothers Frank and Peter DiTommaso, have denied that their company paid for
    the renovations. They still do not have a license to do business in New York City, and the city agency that the
    New Jersey authorities contend Mr. Kerik sought to influence recommended nearly two years ago that they not
    get one. Even so, they continue to operate a Staten Island trash transfer station under a temporary permit.  The
    permit, granted by the city's Department of Sanitation, has been reissued every 180 days since the city agency,
    the Business Integrity Commission, concluded that the company's mob ties should preclude it from winning a
    city license. A Sanitation Department spokesman, Vito A. Turso, said only that "a decision by the Department of
    Sanitation on this issue will be made shortly." He could not explain why his department had failed to move
    against the company, nor could he say whether it was common for the department to act so slowly on the
    Integrity Commission's recommendations. Interstate won a license to work on New Jersey casinos in July
    2004, despite the gambling agency's accusations that it employed mobsters and mob trucking companies
    and that the DiTommasos had relationships with more than a dozen mob figures and mob-connected
    companies. Frank DiTommaso has adamantly denied that Interstate has any connection to organized crime,
    and the company's lawyer, Thomas E. Durkin Jr., said an examination of the evidence would clearly show that.
    Over a period of years, according to the court papers, Mr. Kerik and Mr. DiTommaso developed a social
    relationship. Mr. Kerik invited Mr. DiTommaso to his Christmas party, and Mr. DiTommaso hired Mr. Kerik's
    brother and a close friend, Lawrence Ray, who served as best man at Mr. Kerik's 1998 wedding. In return, the
    papers allege, Mr. Kerik did what he could to help the company, including meeting with the chief trade waste
    regulator for the city, Raymond V. Casey, from whom Interstate was seeking a license, and making his
    Correction Department office available for Mr. Ray to meet with Mr. Casey's investigators. Mr. Kerik also
    provided advice concerning Interstate's pending regulatory investigations and Mr. Ray and Mr. DiTommaso
    faxed their license application to Mr. Kerik's office, the court papers said. Mr. Casey has said in the past that he
    did not feel Mr. Kerik sought to improperly influence him.
    Jim Rutenberg contributed reporting for this article.

    Retrieved November 18, 2005 from


    Graft is apparently so ingrained in some Malaysian police that a new anti-corruption campaign requires
    officers to wear a button on their uniforms denouncing corruption.

    Anti graft campaign to be permanent feature in police force

    By Lourdes Charles, 1/18/05

    Kuala Lumpur - Malaysia
    Policemen must now wear button badges with the words Saya anti-rasuah (I'm against graft) inscribed on
    them or face the wrath of the top brass. This is part of a campaign to wipe out corruption in the police force.
    Deputy Inspector-General of Police Datuk Seri Musa Hassan said disciplinary action would be taken against
    any police personnel who failed to pin the button badge above his or her nametag. “All police contingents have
    been issued with the button badges, as well as car stickers with words Lapor Jika Ada Rasuah (Report if there
    is corruption) for Mobile Patrol Vehicles. “With the badges and stickers prominently visible, we hope the public
    will not be party to corrupt practices,” he said.

    He said all state and district police contingents were also provided with four types of banners – Polis
    Bermaruah Tanpa Rasuah (Honourable police above corruption), Jangan Memberi Dan Menerima Rasuah
    (Don’t give and take bribes), Rasuah Polis? Anda Akan Didakwa (Bribe the police? You will be prosecuted)
    and Rasuah Membawa Padah (Corruption does not pay). Musa, who was wearing the button badge, said
    about 50,000 badges and stickers had been distributed to all the contingents so far.

    He said all state police chiefs and Officers in Charge of Police Districts must make sure that they and their
    men pin the badges on their uniforms. He said the anti-corruption campaign would be a permanent feature in
    the police force, and advised all personnel to serve with integrity. “We are here to serve and protect the public,
    especially the victims, and we must do it with sincerity. We must not give in to greed.  “The public can and
    should remind policemen that corruption is an offence and that they (the public) do not condone bribery. “If
    anyone has any information that our men are on the take or have demanded kickbacks to prevent action from
    being taken, they can write to me or contact me, and provide details of the alleged offence as well as the
    names of the policemen,” he added.  The deputy IGP also warned the public against attempting to bribe his
    men.   He said police were aware of such cases and would not hesitate to haul the culprits to court. Those with
    information on corruption can contact the police at 03-2262 6555, 03-2262 7555 or 03-2031 9999.

    From The Star Publications Web Site
    Retrieved November 18, 2005 from

    A story of alleged corruption in Chicago.

    North Chicago takes a hit, Ex-officials indicted in corruption case

    By Courtney Flynn, Tribune staff reporter. Chicago Tribune staff reporter Susan Kuczka and freelance reporter.
    Barbara Bell contributed to this report. Published May 26, 2005.

    Illinois- After a two-year investigation into alleged public corruption in North Chicago, four former officials and
    three others were indicted Wednesday on charges that ranged from using city credit cards to buy personal
    items to fraudulently receiving public aid, prosecutors said. Among those indicted by a Lake County grand jury
    are former Ald. Chandler Walker, recently fired Building Commissioner Balel Xzavian, former North Chicago
    Library Board Vice President Calvin Warren and Police Officer Harold Lawrence. Warren's wife, Barbara
    Anderson, and his stepson, Glenn Bullocks, also were indicted, along with Lawrence's wife, Elvira Courts,
    officials said. "I can't really say how widespread it is. ... Our investigation is continuing," Assistant State's Atty.
    George Strickland said. "I think that this investigation will assist in identifying the problems, and once they are
    addressed publicly, then I think solutions can [come about]." Lake County prosecutors began investigating
    corruption in North Chicago in 2003 after allegations of wrongdoing were brought to the state's attorney's
    office, Strickland said. Walker, who could not be reached for comment, was charged with 25 felony counts of
    official misconduct for allegedly using a city credit card for personal use, including paying for travel expenses to
    cover hotel bills and car rentals. He also spent city money on his personal clothing business, authorities
    alleged. If convicted, he could get up to 5 years in prison.

    Xzavian is charged with seven felony counts of official misconduct for illegally using the city's Home Depot
    charge card to buy personal items such as a barbecue grill, a chain saw and ceiling fans, Strickland said. He
    was dismissed from his job shortly after Mayor Leon Rockingham took office this month. Xzavian also was
    charged with three misdemeanor counts of possession of two handguns and ammunition without a valid state
    firearm owner's identification card, Strickland said. A warrant was issued Wednesday for Xzavian on those
    charges, he said. If convicted, Xzavian could get up to 5 years in prison on the official misconduct charges and
    up to 1 year on the charges of illegal firearms possession. When reached at his North Chicago home, Xzavian
    said that besides losing his job, his landlord is forcing him to move. "I wish they would leave me and the family
    alone," Xzavian said. "After we go to court, I don't think anything's going to happen." Strickland praised
    Rockingham for implementing new policies on city credit-card use and said the state's attorney's office is
    working with the mayor to make sure procedures are followed and the city's ethics code is "enforced
    vigorously." But Rockingham was disappointed with officials possibly committing crimes. "I am saddened to
    learn that ... a former alderman, two former city employees and a North Chicago police officer" were indicted,
    the mayor said in a statement. Warren, who ran an unsuccessful race for alderman last month, was charged
    in two alleged schemes--one involving his wife and another his stepson. Warren and Anderson, who worked
    at the library as a part-time reference librarian, are charged with one count of state benefits fraud and two
    counts of theft of more than $10,000 for allegedly misstating their marital status and household income to
    receive public housing payments of about $30,000. The state benefits fraud charges could carry a punishment
    of up to 5 years in prison, the theft charges up to 7 years.

    The couple have been removed from the city payroll, Rockingham said. Warren and Bullocks were charged
    with bid-rigging in a $23,000 contract for carpet installation at the library. The contract was not competitively bid,
    as required by law, Strickland said. After Bullocks' company received the contract, Bullocks gave Warren a
    $2,300 loan that was not repaid, Strickland said. The competitive bid and false application charges could carry
    a punishment of up to 5 years in prison. Warren also is charged with violating the state Open Meetings Act, a
    misdemeanor that could carry a penalty of up to 30 days in jail. When reached at his home, Warren denied any
    wrongdoing. Doug Grimes, an attorney for Bullocks, said he expects his client to be released on a signature
    bond after he surrenders June 9. "He has no criminal history, and I expect that he'll be acquitted of any charges
    if this case goes to trial," Grimes said. An attorney for Anderson could not be reached for comment. Lawrence
    and Courts are accused of illegally obtaining public aid and public housing assistance totaling about $30,000
    by misstating their marital status and household income and forging notes to the Illinois Department of Public
    Aid. The state benefits fraud and forgery charges could carry a punishment of up to 5 years in prison. The
    Public Aid recipient fraud charges could carry a penalty of up to 15 years in prison. Lawrence has been
    removed from active duty as a police officer, Rockingham said. An attorney for Lawrence could not be reached
    for comment. Warren and Xzavian are expected to surrender to authorities this week, Strickland said. The
    others who were indicted will surrender over the next two weeks, he said.

    Retrieved May 27, 2005 from,


    Prison Officer Fired for KKK Membership Sues

    Little Rock, Arkansas, May 24, 2005 12:09 PM EST, URL:

    Arkansas- Little Rock - A former prison official who was fired for belonging to the Ku Klux Klan has filed a
    lawsuit in Pulaski County Circuit Court claiming his civil rights were violated.Willis Frazier was fired as
    correctional officer at the East Arkansas Regional Unit in Lee County in August 2004, two months after he was
    hired. Warden Greg Harmon wrote a termination letter saying Frazier was fired because he was a member of
    the International Keystone Knights of the Ku Klux Klan.The Department discovered Frazier's membership in
    the KKK from an October 2003 newspaper story about a Klan demonstration in Cabot. Frazier was pictured in
    Klan regalia and identified himself as Arkansas Grand Dragon of Keystone Knights. Frazier's lawsuit said his
    firing violated his right to free speech, free association and religious liberty under the U.S. and state
    constitutions. He has asked for compensatory pay and his old job back at his previous seniority level. Prison
    regulations forbid any employee from belonging to a white supremacy group, street gangs or prison gangs.
    Tyler said at least three prison officials have been fired over the last decade for belonging to mostly black
    gangs, like the Los Angeles-based Crips.


    Former detective prepares for trial

    Florida - As jury selection gets underway in the first trial for a Broward Sheriff's detective charged with falsifying
    crime reports, a judge ruled that some testimony may be excluded.

    By Wanda J. DeMarzo ,

    Deputies who claim they were coerced by supervisors into falsifying crime reports won't be able to use that as
    a defense in their upcoming misconduct trials without a specific ruling from a judge. Broward Circuit Judge
    Michael Gates' recently ruled that Christian Zapata, a former Broward Sheriff's Office detective in Weston who
    is accused of wrongly clearing cases, can't present any evidence, testimony or documents that could show he
    did so at the behest of supervisors. Jury selection gets underway today for Zapata's trial, two years after the
    State Attorney's Office began investigating allegations that deputies cooked up phony numbers on crime
    reports. With only three deputies charged since the onset of the investigation, the outcome of Zapata's trial
    could have a big impact on whether other BSO investigators will be charged in the coming months. ''It could
    definitely be a show stopper if he [Zapata] is found not guilty,'' said Peter Scharf, director of the Center for
    Society, Law and Justice, at the University of New Orleans.

    A former BSO detective in Oakland Park, Joe Isabella, pleaded guilty April 12 to falsifying a police report.
    Isabella told BSO investigators he wrongfully cleared cases because of pressure from supervisors and
    colleagues. Isabella intended to use a coercion defense if his case had gone to trial. BSO fired Isabella in
    April.  Zapata and former Weston detective Chris Thieman, also arrested in December on multiple counts of
    official misconduct, were placed on paid administrative leave pending the outcome of their trials. A former
    detective, Scott Jordan, has told prosecutors that supervisors pressured him into.

    Prosecutors also took a statement from the director of the nonprofit National Institute of Ethics, who conducted
    integrity classes at BSO in 2000, 2001 and 2003. Neil Trautman, in a Jan. 28 sworn statement given to
    Broward prosecutors, condemned crime accountability systems such as BSO's Powertrac, in part because
    they inevitably push top brass to pressure underlings to improve their crime rates by any means.''If the
    prosecution isn't letting [deputies] talk about the climate of coercion within the agency, maybe they're just going
    after the foot soldiers and not the generals,'' Scharf said. `It's difficult at this time to say just how high they want
    to go.'' Zapata, an eight-year veteran, is charged with making up confessions and pinning crimes on people
    who were in jail or school at the time the burglary or theft occurred.For example:• Records show Zapata
    blamed one teen for nearly 30 Weston-area crimes, including one where he said the then 14-year-old hauled
    away 27 trees weighing more than six tons from a vacant lot.• Zapata arrested a 15-year-old and cleared nearly
    a dozen crimes by saying the teen committed them, although attendance records show the youth was at
    Falcon Cove Middle School at the time some of the crimes were committed.• Zapata blamed numerous
    burglaries on a 21-year-old, including the theft of an amplifier from the trunk of a car in the Weston Hills
    subdivision, that took place 16 hours after he was in custody. The trial is expected to last up to four weeks with
    prosecutors calling more than 100 witnesses.


    The following media report raises a question about the increased standards of conduct  required of police
    officers. To what extent can we "forgive and forget" police misconduct? Can a formerly drug-addicted officer be
    rehabilitated and returned to full active duty?

    Addict cop back? Police tribunal slams force for overturning reinstatement

    April 19, 2005, By Alan Cairns, Toronto Sun

    Toronto, Canada - A cocaine-addicted drug cop who was ordered fired last year when a Toronto Police trials
    judge overruled a "last chance" plea bargain to save his job might get to keep his badge after all. Toronto
    Police tribunal head Supt. Tony Warr ordered the firing of former undercover cop Rob Kelly in November,
    rejecting a plea deal between Kelly and Toronto police that would have allowed him to stay on the police
    service. Kelly appealed that decision to the Ontario Civilian Commission on Policing Services.Peter Doucet,
    one of three OCCOPS panelists who yesterday heard Kelly's appeal of Warr's ruling, openly slammed Toronto
    Police for changing their minds and supporting Warr's ruling. The deal, crafted by police legal branch head
    Staff Insp. George Cowley and Kelly's lawyer Peter Brauti, would have kept Kelly's job in return for his demotion
    and random drug and psychiatric tests.

    In order to get the Cowley-Brauti deal, Kelly, a well-liked 16-year veteran with a stellar record, pleaded guilty to
    two internal charges of discreditable conduct, admitting that he gave an informant 3.15 grams of cocaine and
    used a police cellphone to get more drugs. Kelly had earlier pleaded guilty in a Brampton court to two Criminal
    Code charges of possession of cocaine. He received a suspended sentence, two years of probation and must
    perform 200 hours of community service.At Kelly's internal police tribunal hearing, Warr took the rare step of
    rejecting the joint submission, saying the public expects a "higher level of behaviour" from police officers. Warr,
    and earlier criminal trial judge Ian Cowan, heard defence evidence that Kelly was remorseful, drug free and
    ready to work as a cop again after undergoing intense addiction treatment and 400 hours of therapy.

    Deal Slammed
    Despite that, it was revealed by the Toronto Sun and other media that a senior Mountie, who headed a
    massive drug squad corruption probe, slammed the deal as being "of questionable moral quality." The
    missive, written by then-Staff-Supt. John Neily, had no bearing on Warr's decision, senior Toronto Police brass

    The OCCOPS panel, Doucet, Hyacinthe Miller and chairman Murray Chirta, heard yesterday from one of two
    Kelly appeal lawyers, Beth Symes, that Kelly was "handicapped" by his drug addiction and Toronto Police had
    "a duty to accommodate" him.She said Warr's conclusion that police services have any less a duty to
    accommodate addicted staff is "a fundamental error." Voicing support of Warr's ruling, Toronto Police lawyer
    Robert Fredericks said Warr, as tribunal head, was empowered to nix the deal and the brass must now
    support his ruling. Doucet said other wayward cops will be loath to admit drug problems after seeing their
    brass "sink" Kelly. Fredericks said it is "a pretty serious result" if cops facing charges -- no matter how serious
    -- can keep their jobs by virtue of expressing remorse and undergoing treatment and therapy.

    Retrieved May 1, 2005 from


    Woman motorcycle cop awarded $600K for sex harassment

    April 28, 2005, By Harvey Rice, Houston Chronicle

    Houston, Texas - A federal jury's $600,000 verdict Wednesday for Officer Beth Kreuzer was the third successful
    sexual harassment lawsuit against the city of Houston for attorneys Katherine Butler and Margaret Harris.

    In the other cases:
    • 1996 — A federal jury awarded Officer Linda Williamson $128,000 from the city after finding that a male officer
    had sexually harassed her and a supervisor had retaliated against her for complaining.
    • 1997 — A federal jury awarded Officer Patrice Sharp $110,000 from the city after finding that she was the
    victim of a code of silence for complaining about sexual harassment. Two police supervisors were assessed
    $15,000 each.

    A jury awarded $600,000 to the first woman on the Houston Police Department's motorcycle unit Wednesday,
    agreeing that her supervisor had sexually harassed her and that his supervisors failed to take appropriate

    Officer Beth Kreuzer and her two attorneys hugged after the five men and three women on the jury announced
    their verdict to U.S. District Judge Kenneth Hoyt. The jury deliberated about five hours. "I didn't take it for
    granted," said Kreuzer, 41, as she tried to regain her composure. "I was surprised." "I think the jury is sending
    a message that we have a dysfunctional system" in the Police Department, she added. "There are some huge
    betrayal issues," Kreuzer said. "I gave this department 20 years of my life and when I needed them the most,
    they let me down and they let my co-workers down. "The jury awarded her $200,000 for mental anguish
    because of sexual harassment, $50,000 for economic loss from violations of her free-speech rights and
    $350,000 for loss of professional reputation. Assistant City Attorney Donald Fleming said the city will appeal. "I
    think, when all is said and done, we'll be in pretty good shape and the city will be vindicated," he said. Kreuzer's
    attorneys, Katherine Butler and Margaret Harris, who have won two other sexual harassment lawsuits on
    behalf of female officers, said they hope Police Chief Harold Hurtt and Mayor Bill White will meet with them,
    Kreuzer and other female victims of harassment in the department. "It is long past time for a change and I truly,
    truly hope that Mayor White and Chief Hurtt would take this opportunity to address some problems that have
    been going on for decades," Butler said. White's spokesman, Frank Michel, said it is unlikely the mayor would
    meet with Kreuzer or her lawyers because of the pending appeal. He deferred questions to Hurtt, who said he
    will consult with his attorney about meeting with Kreuzer. Hurtt said he is re-examining the department's sexual
    harassment awareness training and its policy on sexual discrimination. "I will not tolerate any form of sexual
    harassment by members of the Houston Police Department," he said. The chief also said he will expand the
    locations where officers can make complaints, adding the Texas Civil Rights Commission and federal Equal
    Employment Opportunity Commission.

    Kreuzer sued the city and Sgt. Clifford E. Simmons, saying more than 22 fellow officers in her unit had
    witnessed Simmons sexually harassing and humiliating her, including touching her hair and hips and calling
    her "my girl." Simmons, 57, was dropped from the lawsuit before the trial, but testified that he never harassed
    Kreuzer. He was not in court Wednesday and could not be reached for comment. Kreuzer accused police
    officials of retaliating against her and the officers who told internal investigators about the harassment. She
    said she  was punished even though the sexual harassment complaint on her behalf came from a male officer
    who complained about Simmons' treatment of all officers under his command. Kreuzer accused department
    supervisors of retaliating against the entire evening shift, which included most of those who backed the sexual
    harassment complaint. She said the retaliation involved changing the officers' hours to make it difficult to
    secure lucrative off-duty police escort work. Fleming and Assistant City Attorney Lina Garcia portrayed Kreuzer
    and her lawsuit as part of an effort to retaliate against the department for changing the shift hours. The defense
    also tried to show that Kreuzer failed to complain to then-Chief Clarence Bradford or the department's office of
    women's issues. Testimony by Kreuzer's witnesses depicted a department that tried to protect Simmons,
    despite a long history of poor judgment as a manager. Coming forward with a complaint could end a career
    and bring retaliation that could make life miserable, a number of witnesses said. Bradford testified that he
    rejected the Internal Affairs Division's conclusion that Simmons was lying when Simmons said he didn't recall
    incidents cited by more than 22 officers. Witnesses also testified about the conditions endured by female
    officers. Kreuzer said she served in the motorcycle unit for two years before other officers would speak with
    her, and some never did. She is on paid leave but said she won't return to her regular duties.

    "You have a system that doesn't honor integrity," Kreuzer said. "I really have a hard time going back to that
    system." She joined the elite motorcycle unit, known as "Solo," in 1998 after working 10 years as a homicide
    investigator. Her attorneys said only one other female officer has ridden with Solo, and only for a short time. No
    women are in the unit now, they said.


    Here is a media report of alleged misconduct in the Apache Junction, Arizona Police Department.

    Reports put cover-up on then-cop

    Jim Walsh, The Arizona Republic, Apr. 23, 2005 12:00 AM

    Arizona - An Apache Junction police commander influenced investigations of his son's alleged criminal
    behavior, leading to his own downfall and contributing to the resignations and retirements of three other
    officers. Commander Brian Duncan improperly involved himself two years ago in cases where his son,
    Russell, was accused of such crimes as theft, burglary and domestic violence, according to investigative
    reports released by the city through an Arizona Public Records law request. Duncan resigned unexpectedly
    last summer before internal investigations concluded that the preferential treatment resulted in his son getting
    charged with lesser crimes. Duncan was one of six veteran officers who left the department over the past two
    years as fallout from a critical police audit that found mismanagement and lack of professionalism.
    "Commander Duncan's actions seriously impeded an appropriate investigation and charging of a criminal
    matter in which his son was a  suspect," the report said.  Duncan's actions contributed to his son being
    charged with misdemeanor theft, rather than felony burglary, in a 2003 incident because he did not reveal to
    detectives that a Rottweiler dog also had been stolen, the investigation concludes.

    Sgt. Ron Martin, who also retired, called a Pinal County attorney and persuaded her to remove Russell's name
    from a list of cases where prosecutors were seeking indictments, according to the reports. Then-County
    Attorney Christy Hunt told police that Martin, then supervisor of detectives, explained that the victim did not want
    to prosecute, the report said. The report described Martin and Duncan as "personal friends away from the job."
    It said Martin called Hunt after Duncan's wife paid restitution for the burglary to the victim.

    Hunt later believed she had been "double-crossed" when a detective handling the case subsequently called
    and asked why Russell wasn't indicted, the report said. Chuck Teegarden, spokesman for the Pinal County
    Attorney's Office, said Hunt no longer works there. Because prosecutors work closely with police, Hunt would
    have had no reason to question Martin's motives, Teegarden said. Martin told investigators he called Hunt to
    "cut him (Russell) a break," the report said, adding that Duncan was in counseling. Although police officials
    concluded numerous instances of policy violations involving Duncan, Martin, Sgt. Richard Salmon and Officer
    Dick Boulden, none was ever formally disciplined because they left the department, the reports said.

    The investigations were launched by the audit, which led to the resignation of former Police Chief Robert
    Warner in December 2003. A second inquiry found a work atmosphere infected by rampant sexual
    harassment and favoritism. The harassment included Salmon telling a female dispatcher that she should
    have "flashed" Boulden to gain his cooperation in investigating a stolen car complaint, the report said. Salmon
    later apologized to the dispatcher, but Duncan took no administrative action against him, the report said.

    The reports said the misconduct involving Brian Duncan occurred as Russell battled problems with
    methamphetamine. Brian, who could not be reached for comment, served for years as Apache Junction's
    public information officer. Russell is named after his late uncle, Russell L. Duncan, the only Apache Junction
    officer killed in the line of duty. Russell L. Duncan was accidentally shot to death by another officer in 1983
    during a botched training exercise. The city erected a memorial in his honor at the police station.

    Retrieved April 25, 2005 from AZ web site: http://www.azcentral.

    The Grey Areas of Impropriety: Passing the Headline Test

    Sometimes the lines between ethical and unethical behavior are blurred. Cases of alleged impropriety are
    often subjected to a media "headline test". In May 2004, an ethical question arose in Houston, Texas involving
    the new police chief. Harold Hurtt, having recently been appointed chief, was provided a temporary room at the
    Hyatt Regency Hotel at a greatly reduced rate while he sought permanent residence in Houston. The
    arrangement had been agreed upon between the City of Houston and the hotel management in advance. The
    hotel room rate was reduced to $1 per night.  News reports later valued the normal price of the room at
    anywhere from $250-$1500 per night.

    Is this an incident of city government improperly providing special favors and gratuities?

    Here is one of the news reports as it appeared in the media:

    City Pays $1 a Day for Hurtt's Hotel Suite - DA to Determine if Deal Violates Law

    By Ron Nissimov and Kristen Mack, May 26, 2004, Houston Chronicle

    Houston, Texas - While Houston's new police chief looks for more permanent housing, he has been enjoying
    posh downtown digs at a cost to the city of $1 a day, thanks to the Hyatt Regency. The hotel credits its sense of
    civic duty, and Mayor Bill White defends the deal as a way to save taxpayers' money during the city's financial
    squeeze. But the district attorney is looking into the matter, and at least one watchdog group said it could
    create a conflict of interest. Harold Hurtt, the former Phoenix police chief who took over the Houston job in late
    March, has lived in a Hyatt Regency suite at 1200 Louisiana. "Since we're right next door to the police station, I
    said if I can make it convenient to the chief and help our city, I will provide the suite at a heavily reduced rate,"
    said Don Henderson, vice president and managing director of the downtown hotel. "I did that as a civic duty to
    help the city because they're in a tight budget crunch," Henderson added. "I have absolutely no expectation of
    getting something in return for making this gesture to the mayor's office." He declined to divulge the special
    rate, but White's office said it is $1 a day. Henderson said he has made similar arrangements with other public
    officials new to town but declined to name them. Harris County District Attorney Chuck Rosenthal said he has
    subpoenaed hotel records to investigate whether the arrangement violates any laws prohibiting improper gifts
    to public officials. He said once he receives the information he is seeking, he will decide whether to press
    charges or forward the matter to a grand jury. Hurtt declined to comment. White said Rosenthal should
    investigate the matter because it involves a public official but that city attorneys cleared the arrangement. He
    said the city was committed to paying Hurtt's relocation expenses, so the city -- rather than Hurtt -- benefits
    from the deal. Karen Lundquist, executive director of the Texas Ethics Commission, agreed that the gift was
    made to the city and not Hurtt. She said it is up to the city's Legal Department to determine whether it can
    accept it. But Tom "Smitty" Smith, director of the Texas office of Public Citizen, a government watchdog group,
    said such deals "raise both eyebrows." "Time after time we have seen that with gifts to the city and
    (supplements) to people's salaries, that there is some payback expected," Smith said. Councilman Mark Ellis
    said he believes the arrangement is acceptable, but that Hurtt should "find some permanent housing as soon
    as possible."

    Councilman Ronald Green voiced concern about the appearance of the deal. "It's good that it's not taxpayer
    money. But there are some that may question the (Hyatt's contribution). We need to examine something that
    isn't perceived as extravagant," he said. Henderson initially said the apartment like room, called the "general
    manager's suite," is rented only on rare occasions for a top price of $550 per night. He said the suite, which
    contains a bedroom, living room and kitchenette, is not considered a luxury room. But the hotel's reservation
    desk quoted a price of $1,500 a night for a weekend date later this year. Told of that, Henderson said he made
    a mistake and that the room does not have a maximum price. He said the price is negotiable based on market
    conditions.  White's chief of staff, Michael Moore, said the Legal Department accepted the gift on the condition
    that it would be available to anyone moving to Houston as a division director for the city. This isn't the first time
    White has sought or accepted subsidies for city costs. He used money from his campaign fund, Friends of Bill
    White, to supplement the $120,000 salary of Ann Travis, his new director of government affairs. Moore said the
    mayor did not seek additional campaign donations for that purpose.

    The city also has been offered a donation from Trees for Houston to help leverage a higher state contribution
    to the city's costs of hosting the Major League Baseball All-Star Game. On May 5, the City Council approved
    spending $590,000 on game-related costs, which under a new Texas law would have allowed the state to
    contribute up to $3.7 million. A week later, Texas Comptroller Carole Keeton Strayhorn said the state could
    contribute up to $4.18 million if the city pitched in an additional $78,000.

    After council members raised concerns about the city spending the extra money, Trees for Houston agreed to
    pay half the $78,000, with the city paying the rest. The City Council is expected to vote on the agreement today.

    Retrieved May 29, 2004 from

    Police Discretion

    When are the police required to enforce the law? Here is an interesting story from Illinois.

    Illinois cops not required to make arrests - Judge says chief didn't break law

    By Tona Kunz Daily Herald Staff Writer (Chicago IL), 03/16/05
    Daily Herald, Paddock Publications, Inc.

    Illinois - A Kane County judge ruled Tuesday police do not have to uphold the law, finding the Maple Park
    Police chief not guilty of allegedly allowing llegal gambling to flourish in town. Judge Grant Wegner acquitted
    Chief Chet Morris of Elburn on charges of conspiracy and official misconduct in the middle of his two-day trial.
    Although Morris called the charges "bogus" after his acquittal, Wegner's ruling didn't comment on the
    allegations that Morris ignored illegal gambling for 15 months in the tiny town 10 miles west of Elburn. Morris
    Village President Mark Delaney; the owner of D.J.'s Tavern, 221 Main St. and 10 employees were arrested
    following a May 2004 raid by state police. Not addressing the facts of the charges, the ruling, in essence, said
    it was pointless to continue the trial. Whether or not Morris saw illegal gambling, no law says he had to do
    anything about it. "It is clear that the legislature intended arrest to be discretionary," Wegner said. Police
    applauded the ruling, saying discretion was key to undercover investigations and keeping the courts from
    overflowing with petty infractions. "I truly feel this was justice and common sense," said Kane County Sheriff
    Ken Ramsey. But the ruling also cements the subjective nature of police arrests.

    Police training groups have said they have ethics classes that stress officers should step in when someone is
    in danger. But a hard and fast rule of when to enforce specific laws is absent, except in the rare case where a
    municipality writes that into an officer's job description. In fact, the gray area runs deep in the code books. The
    Illinois Counties Code says that sheriff's departments "shall prevent crime" but also says they "may arrest
    offenders." And officers have guidelines for under what circumstances they can make arrests, but they have
    civil immunity for not making arrests.

    Prosecutors based the charge of official misconduct against Morris on a state statute that prohibits officials
    from intentionally or recklessly failing to perform duties mandated by law. But legislative revisions of the law in
    the 1990s took out earlier references that officers "shall" make an arrest when they see a crime occurring,
    leading legal experts to believe the legislature was trying to get away from mandatory arrests. Prosecutors had
    argued that the discretion lies with prosecutors deciding when a case warrants charges, not police
    investigating a crime. Assistant Attorney General Abigail Abraham contended that Morris had a duty as a police
    officer to stop gambling at D.J.'s Tavern. Nearly three-quarters of the front of the narrow bar was taken up by
    nine video slot machines all hooked up to pay out money illegally, generating about $700,000 a year in profits
    to the bar, prosecutors said. Morris sat among the machines more than once, prosecutors allege. Undercover
    officers who showed concern about his presence in uniform were told by the village president that Morris
    would not take any action against them and their gambling, according to court documents. "He said 'good luck'
    to people," Abraham said. "In my view, he was promoting." It wasn't enough to rise to the level of participating in
    a conspiracy, Wegner ruled, because Morris had no duty to arrest anyone and no allegations were made that
    Morris himself did anything to further the conspiracy like hand out winning pots or thwart the part-time officer's
    attempts to arrest anyone, Morris wasn't guilty of conspiracy.

    Fellow police officers who congratulated and hugged him after the verdict, said Morris wasn't even guilty of bad
    judgment. Ramsey said he wouldn't condone illegal gambling at D.J.'s Tavern when it reopens under new
    management, but he stopped short of saying Morris should treat gambling differently there if it does occur
    again. Ramsey said you have to prioritize arrests and weigh the arrest value against what else you could gain.
    Morris' continued acceptance and presence in the bar could have stopped larger problems like bar fights,
    Ramsey said, or Morris' investigation manpower could be better spent stopping crimes against people like
    burglaries or murders. "I don't have the manpower to investigate how adults are using their money," Ramsey
    said. But Abraham said that doesn't hold true for Morris.

    During the 15 months undercover officers observed bookmaking, dice games, betting wheels and poker
    machines at D.J.'s Tavern, there was little large crime in town to distract Morris. When the rare home invasion
    did occur, she added, Morris called in sheriff's deputies to help. But Morris never called for help with gambling,
    Abraham's said. Morris has said he never realized the video poker machines paid out money. But two other
    former officers did suspect pay outs and both asked for help to investigate their suspicions.

    Two former officers filed separate ongoing federal lawsuits in April 2003 and March 2004 saying they were
    persecuted by the village board for knowing about or investigating illegal gambling, narcotics use and
    underage drinking in village bars prior to the August 2003 start up of a state police investigation that led to
    Morris' arrest. Stepping to Morris' defense, Elburn police Officer Mike Stoffa said the Morris didn't shirk his
    responsibility because no one was in danger and no complaint was ever filed with his department about the
    gambling. "I had to use discretion many times in much more serious cases," Stoffa said. "You do have to
    prioritize. Maple Park doesn't have the resources to do in-depth investigation nor was there a compliant
    signed." Morris' attorney, Terry Ekl of Clarendon Hills, said Morris is considering a civil suit against the Illinois
    attorney general's office for charging Morris in what he called a "colossal waste of time." Prosecutors are
    negotiating plea deals with the other 12 defendants scheduled for trial this spring.

    Retrieved March 29, 2005 from

    The Financial Cost of Lost Ethics

    The infamous Rampart scandal is a sad example of the financial costs of unethical practices.

    LAPD Settling Abuse Scandal Payments to alleged Rampart victims will total $70 million

    L.A. was sued more than 200 times, often by criminals claiming mistreatment
    By Scott Glover and Matt Lait, Los Angeles Times Staff Writers, March 31, 2005

    Los Angeles, California - Virtually all civil lawsuits stemming from the Rampart Division police scandal have
    been settled for a total of $70 million, Los Angeles officials are set to announce today, five years after an anti-
    gang officer blew the whistle on widespread corruption and brutality. The announcement marks the resolution
    of most remaining legal issues from a scandal that caused more than 100 criminal convictions to be
    overturned and more than a dozen officers to leave the force — some fired, others resigning amid

    Police Chief William J. Bratton said he suspected that some officers who committed misconduct related to the
    scandal remained on the job."Knowing is not necessarily proving," he said. The Rampart debacle also set the
    stage for the federal government to impose a consent decree on the Los Angeles Police Department, requiring
    extensive reforms. A blue-ribbon commission headed by civil rights attorney

    Constance L. Rice is still studying the scandal.
    The city was sued more than 200 times, mostly by drug dealers, gang members and other criminals who said
    they had been framed, shot, beaten or otherwise mistreated by the police. All but eight of the suits have been
    resolved, according to city lawyers. The expected expenditures in the eight cases are included in the $70
    million, said Jennifer Roth Krieger, chief financial and administrative officer in the city attorney's office.

    Despite the criminal backgrounds of many of the plaintiffs, city lawyers concluded when reviewing the records
    of the officers involved that more than three-fourths of the cases were too risky to let them proceed to trial.
    "When you have a problem officer, it's very difficult to go forward," said Chief Deputy City Atty. Terree A. Bowers.
    "This has got to be a wake-up call for the city. It could have been worse."

    The payout total was considerably less than the $125 million projected by then-City Atty. James K. Hahn in the
    early days of the scandal. In the cases that resulted in payouts, the average settlement was $400,000. For
    many of the plaintiffs, the newfound riches have translated into luxury automobiles, large homes and
    investments in the stock market.

    Convicted felon Roberto Candido, one of the plaintiffs, received an $860,000 settlement in 2000. He said the
    windfall inspired a spiritual awakening. "I'm not telling you I'm a saint, but I'm trying to get closer to God," he
    told The Times. "I know he does everything for a reason, and I know I've got to repay him."

    In all, 30 people have received settlements of $500,000 or more. In many of those cases, the LAPD had
    exonerated some or all of the officers involved before the city attorney decided to settle. The Rampart scandal
    began in September 1999 when Officer Rafael Perez pleaded guilty to charges that he had stolen three kilos of
    cocaine from LAPD evidence facilities.

    In exchange for a five-year sentence, he promised to tell authorities about a case in 1996 in which he and his
    partner shot a young Javier Francisco Ovando then planted a gun on him to justify the shooting. Perez also
    pledged to identify other corrupt police.

    In the end, he and seven other officers from the Rampart Division's CRASH — Community Resources Against
    Street Hoodlums — anti-gang unit were convicted of corruption-related offenses as a result of information he
    brought to light. A judge overturned three of the convictions on procedural grounds. Bowers of the city attorney's
    office said one of the main lessons learned from Rampart was the need to identify and track problem officers.

    To that end, he said, the office's lawyers must now inform him of any instance in which they believe that a
    police officer has lied or committed other misconduct. Bowers then sends that information directly to the police
    chief, which has happened fewer than 10 times since 2001, he said. The largest settlement, for $15 million,
    was paid in 2000 to Ovando, a member of the 18th Street gang whom the shooting left paralyzed.

    He had been sentenced to 23 years in prison after Perez and Officer Nino Durden testified against him in court,
    insisting that he had been armed. His conviction was eventually overturned. "The Rampart scandal was a stain
    on our otherwise outstanding Police Department," City Atty. Rocky Delgadillo says in a statement prepared for
    release today. "I know I speak for all the city leaders and our fine police officers when I say that we are thankful
    to put this chapter behind us."

    On Wednesday, city leaders hailed the development as good news for both taxpayers and the victims of police
    abuse. "The reality is, regardless of who the plaintiffs were, there was evidence of wrongdoing. That's what we
    had to recognize," said Councilwoman Cindy Miscikowski, chairwoman of the council's Public Safety
    Committee. "Civil rights are civil rights, and they apply to everyone across the board."

    Councilman Jack Weiss said it was premature to "close the books" on the Rampart scandal. "It doesn't mean
    that when the ink is dried on the last check that the department has been cured," he said, while adding that he
    was pleased at the litigation's resolution. He said he eagerly awaited the findings of Rice's independent panel.

    Attorney Gregory Yates, who won nearly $20 million in settlements for his clients in Rampart-related cases,
    said he was disappointed that none of the major lawsuits went to trial in front of a jury. A trial, he said, "would
    have exposed how massive and widespread the corruption was."

    He called the settlements part of the city attorney's strategy to "sweep this under the rug." The city dragged the
    cases on for so long that many of his clients were "worn down" and simply settled to get the matters resolved,
    Yates said. "The net result is the city got these settlements without letting the truth come out," he said. "That's
    the bottom line."

    His disappointment was shared by others. "For the victims and the city, it's a good thing to have it resolved,"
    said Duke University law professor Erwin Chemerinsky, who has studied the Rampart scandal. "But there is
    also a loss here that we didn't learn things that we might have, had we had a trial."

    Rice called it smart to settle from both the city's and the plaintiffs' perspective. City officials do not want the
    publicity that would accompany a trial, she said, and the victims probably realize that public outrage over the
    scandal has dissipated. "It's a gamble for both sides to go forward," she said.

    She also believes that trials might have shed more light on the corruption. "What's stunning to me is how little
    the city really knows about Rampart," she said. "How far did it go? Did it spread to other divisions?"

    Rampart, by the numbers

    Former Officer Rafael A. Perez, prosecuted for stealing cocaine from an evidence locker, turned informant in
    1999 and implicated others from the LAPD's Rampart Division in abuse. Alleged victims of the police filed
    hundreds of claims and lawsuits against the city. All but eight cases have been resolved.

    214 claims resolved*
    179 settled
    27 dismissed
    5 active
    3 on appeal
    $70.2 million in payouts
    $400,000 average

    Lessons learned, according to the city attorney's analysis:

    •  Improve tracking of complaints against officers.
    •  Investigate all uses of force.
    •  Bolster civilian oversight of LAPD.
    •  Increase supervisor-to-officer ratios.
    •  Improve screening and training of officers.

    Source: Los Angeles City Attorney

    Off-Duty Work

    Off-duty work by law enforcement officers is often scrutinized for the possibility of conflict of interest. Here are
    some media reports of allegations against a prominent Florida law enforcement official. The investigation has
    spiraled into other allegations of misconduct including falsifying crime reports to improve crime statistics.

    Source: Miami Herald (on-line) pril 16 2005

    Sheriff in public, consultant on the side

    Miami, Florida - Broward Sheriff Ken Jenne's private business dealings rightly have drawn scrutiny from the
    Broward State Attorney's Office and Gov. Jeb Bush. Last week Mr. Bush ordered the Florida Department of Law
    Enforcement to investigate the extent of the relationship between the Broward Sheriff's Office and T&M
    Protection Resources Inc., a security firm employed by the Seminole Tribe.

    Three issues are at stake: Whether the BSO shared information about an ongoing police investigation with
    T&M; whether the sheriff has violated state ethics laws in melding his public duties with his private business
    dealings; and what information Mr. Jenne, as a state constitutional officer, owes Broward residents.

    Shooting investigation
    This tawdry tale begins with the attempted murder of the Seminole Tribe's general counsel, Jim Shore, in 2002
    in Hollywood. The FBI and Hollywood police are still investigating the shooting. Almost a year after the
    shooting, the BSO, according to Hollywood police, asked if it could join the investigation to determine if any
    suspects were involved in unrelated crimes. The BSO claims that it was invited on board by Hollywood. T&M
    was working for the tribe when the shooting occurred.In 2003 T&M paid Sheriff Jenne almost $60,000 for
    consulting services. What kind of consulting is anyone's guess, because Mr. Jenne, who earns $156,395 a
    year as sheriff, refuses to say what he does for T&M. He says that he signed a confidentiality agreement with
    the firm. That's completely unacceptable.Information sharedIn the spirit of cooperation, Hollywood police
    shared information on the Shore investigation with the BSO. The state attorney and FDLE are investigating
    whether BSO then shared that information with T&M, which, if true, would be a criminal violation. Mr. Jenne
    owes the people he's supposed to be working for full-time -- Broward residents -- full disclosure about the
    nature of the T&M job and any other security-consultant work.Beyond that, the potential for conflict in Mr. Jenne
    doing business with a firm that has a client in the BSO's jurisdiction is obvious. The state ethics code clearly
    states that no public officer of an agency can be employed by or contract with any business that ''is subject to
    the regulation of an agency'' of which he is an officer. Though the tribe is on sovereign land and has its own
    police force, the BSO has investigated crimes involving tribal members in the past and likely will do so in the

    Here's one small example of how the sheriff muddles his public and private jobs: When reporters ask about
    Mr. Jenne's private business, they are referred to BSO's spokesperson, who presumably isn't paid by the
    consulting firms. Mr. Jenne, at minimum, has shown a serious lapse in judgment. We urge him to fully
    disclose his business dealings, especially with T&M.

    Source: Miami Herald (on-line)Retrieved April 16, 2005 from

    Inquiry widens into Broward sheriff's moonlighting

    By Paula McMahon & Scott Wyman,, 04/21/05

    Florida - Broward County Sheriff Ken Jenne has done more moonlighting than he previously disclosed. And
    experts say the new revelations of his ties to a company that has also done business with the Sheriff's Office
    poses conflict-of-interest questions for him.A consulting firm that Jenne ran on the side with two of his top
    aides earned $4,000 last year from a high-tech surveillance and law enforcement training firm that also does
    public business with the Sheriff's Office, law enforcement and other sources said. That could raise issues for
    Jenne, Undersheriff Tom Carney and recently retired Lt. Col. Tom Brennan. State ethics laws largely ban public
    officials from doing private business with companies that also earn taxpayer money from the officials'
    agencies. Those who violate the law can be fined up to $10,000, reprimanded by the state Ethics Commission
    or removed from office by the governor.

    In this case, the unanswered questions arise because Jenne's company, Havloc, was doing business with
    another company that sells services to the Sheriff's Office. Jenne is under increasing scrutiny since Broward
    County prosecutors began investigating a number of Jenne's personal business ventures.

    On April 8, Gov. Jeb Bush ordered the Florida Department of Law Enforcement to investigate the allegations of
    misconduct against Jenne as well as the receipt and reporting of private income by Jenne and current and
    former Sheriff's Office employees. Jenne has denied any wrongdoing.

    Last month, Jenne told the South Florida Sun-Sentinel that two consultancy firms that he had a financial
    interest in, Havloc LLC and Knodishall Trading LLC, had just one client, T&M Protection Resources. But, in the
    last few weeks, sources said that state investigators turned up information that Havloc also did work for a
    second company.

    When Innovative Surveillance Technology Inc., of Coral Springs, asked Jenne to recommend law enforcement
    experts to create and teach courses last year, Jenne recommended his own company, Havloc, said Don
    DiFrisco, Innovative's CEO. Jenne was a partner in Havloc with Carney and Brennan. DiFrisco said he did not
    know that Jenne was involved with Havloc.

    Innovative hired Havloc in February 2004 to update two police-training courses and create two new courses.
    The company also privately hired six or seven sheriff's employees, recommended by Havloc, to train police
    officers in Barbados. Those officers all worked on their own time and did not use sheriff's equipment,
    according to DiFrisco and the Sheriff's Office.

    DiFrisco estimated his company did about $230,000 worth of business with the Sheriff's Office during the last
    five years. Jenne flew to Barbados last spring on a charter flight paid for by Innovative and gave a speech at the
    police officers' graduation ceremony, DiFrisco said. State officials say Jenne has not filed any gift disclosure
    forms on which he is required to disclose gifts or in-kind donations worth more than $100. Jenne's
    spokeswoman, Cheryl Stopnick, would not comment on many of the details of the business arrangements,
    saying it would be inappropriate to do so because of the ongoing investigations by FDLE and local
    prosecutors. But she said Innovative was one of more than 14,650 vendors who provide services and products
    to the Sheriff's Office.

    David Bogenschutz, a private attorney who spoke on Jenne's behalf, said Jenne might not have known that
    Innovative was doing business with his agency. He said he did not think Jenne did anything criminal. But
    experts on government ethics suggested that public officials have a duty to ensure that they are fully disclosing
    their business interests. Tony Alfieri, director of the Center for Ethics and Public Service at the University of
    Miami's law school, said the public should be concerned about the potential that even such indirect business
    relationships could skew how the Sheriff's Office, which has a $591 million-a-year budget, doles out contracts.

    Helen Jones, a spokeswoman for the state Ethics Commission, said it would need more details about the
    case before deciding if there was a violation. Jenne, Carney and Brennan would not comment, Stopnick said.
    Jenne has denied in a written a statement that he did anything wrong.

    Financial disclosure forms show that Jenne received almost $60,000 from Havloc and Knodishall, the two
    firms in which he was a partner. In an interview last month, he said that he signed a confidentiality agreement
    with T&M and could not discuss details of who he worked for or what he did. He also said Carney and Brennan
    made no money from the firms. Several law enforcement and other sources told the Sun-Sentinel that T&M,
    which was working for the Seminole Tribe, hired Havloc in late 2003 to recommend ways to improve and
    professionalize the Seminole Tribe's police department. They were trying to prepare for the opening of the
    Hard Rock Casino last year. The sources said that Carney and Brennan wrote up a report for T&M but the tribe
    rejected the proposal. Among the questions that state investigators are trying to answer: what did Jenne do to
    earn almost $60,000 from T&M, given that the sources say his staff did the work for T&M and the Seminole
    Tribe. Investigators also want to know more about how the source of that income was reported on financial
    disclosure forms that Jenne filed with the state and on his federal income tax return. Knodishall had no  
    contracts with T&M, but Jenne reported that most of the money, more than $40,000, was paid through that

    Paula McMahon can be reached at

    Retrieved April 22, 2005 from,0,1061507.

    Source: 04/29/05

    Conflict-of-interest probe tarnishes once-rising Broward star

    By Curt Anderson, Associated Press Writer

    Florida - Three decades ago, Ken Jenne was a young Broward County prosecutor making his name by rooting
    out official corruption. Now the county's Democratic sheriff, Jenne's once-rising political star is being tarnished
    by a conflict-of-interest investigation into his own private business dealings. The preliminary Florida
    Department of Law Enforcement investigation, ordered by Republican Gov. Jeb Bush, comes on top of another
    probe by state prosecutors into charges that sheriff's detectives falsified arrest and case clearance records to
    inflate the agency's crime-fighting statistics.

    The twin investigations have led Democratic Party activists, political observers and even Jenne's closest
    friends to wonder if his once-rosy future is in ruins. "I think the best thing for him would be for this to be over
    quickly," said Bob Butterworth, a former Florida attorney general and Broward sheriff who worked with Jenne
    as a prosecutor in those early 1970s corruption cases. They were known as "Batman and Robin." "Obviously
    all this type of stuff hurts, but I don't think people are losing confidence in him. I think he will be right back on
    his feet," added Butterworth, now dean of the St. Thomas University law school. In the Democratic bastion of
    Broward County, Jenne rose from his prosecutor's post to chair the County Commission and serve in the
    Florida Senate for 18 years. He was appointed sheriff in 1998 by then-Gov. Lawton Chiles and has been re-
    elected twice since. Party activists say they once saw Jenne as a likely candidate for statewide or federal office,
    with perhaps a shot at governor. Now, they're not so sure. "There is a tremendous level of disappointment,"
    said Ann Zucker, president of the Weston Democratic Club. "Ken Jenne has just got way too much baggage to
    take with him to a statewide office." Added Sophie Bock, president of the Century Village Democratic Club:
    "Even if he's completely cleared, there are certain people who remember the bad things and never think of the
    good things." Bush ordered the conflict-of-interest investigation after media reports indicated that local
    prosecutors were looking into whether someone at the sheriff's office leaked confidential information about a
    probe into the 2002 shooting of Jim Shore, attorney for the Seminole Tribe.

    The question is whether the leak went to a private security firm, T&M Protection Resources of New York, that
    had paid a consulting firm owned by Jenne, Havloc LLC, almost $60,000 for work related to a security
    assessment of the Seminoles' flashy new casino in Hollywood. Officials at T&M declined comment. Shore,
    whose shooting remains unsolved, said this week that the tribe never heard of Havloc until the recent
    investigation was announced. He said T&M was hired to "evaluate the operation and regulatory portion of the
    casino" and that he was not aware of any involvement by Jenne. "When T&M finished their work and the
    contract ran out, I thought that was the end of it," Shore said. Investigators have also turned up evidence that
    Havloc was paid $4,000 by a Coral Springs company, Innovative Surveillance Technology Inc., for consulting
    work on training courses for the police academy in the Caribbean nation of Barbados. IST, which says it had
    about $230,000 in contracts with the Broward Sheriff's office, also flew Jenne to Barbados for a speech to the
    academy's graduates in spring 2004.

    Jenne's attorney, David Bogenschutz, declined to discuss Havloc and its contracts because they are the
    subject of an ongoing investigation. Officials at the sheriff's office referred all inquiries to Bogenschutz. Jenne
    himself has remained largely silent about the allegations, other than issuing a written statement the day Bush
    announced the investigation saying that he has "abided by the letter and the spirit" of the law and predicting he
    would be cleared. "I am confident that this inquiry will quickly confirm this to be true," Jenne said.

    The probe into Jenne's personal business dealings comes amid an ongoing investigation into charges that
    Broward detectives sought to falsely improve crime statistics by blaming unsolved crimes on people who did
    not commit them and downgrading serious crimes so they wouldn't wind up in official FBI crime reports.

    Jenne has scrapped the statistical system used to track crime rates, reassigned more than two dozen
    detectives and announced that four senior commanders will retire. Two of them, Lt. Tom Brennan and Lt. Tom
    Carney, were listed as principals at Havloc, Jenne's consulting firm. Two detectives have been charged with
    official misconduct in the statistics probe, with a third pleading guilty to misdemeanor charges of falsifying

    Butterworth said the twin investigations unfairly obscure the accomplishments of Jenne, whom he described
    as "the finest public servant Broward County has ever had, bar none." "I would be surprised to find out he did
    anything wrong," Butterworth said. "I would be shocked."

    Retrieved April 29, 2005 from

    Here is a painful headline from Boston

    Probes reveal a 'culture of corruption'

    April 24, 2005,, The Enterprise, By Tim Grace, Enterprise staff writer

    Massachusetts - It was Marysol Morales' job as director of Avon's Section 8 voucher program to help poor
    families find affordable housing. But federal prosecutors say she was actually helping herself to $13,000 worth
    of bogus fees she collected from those same families. After her Feb. 17 arrest, U.S. Attorney Michael Sullivan
    called Morales' alleged abuse of her clients' trust "especially cruel." Cruel or not, the type of charges brought
    against Morales are not unique. Her case is one of seven abuse-of-power probes unfolding in the region —
    probes of accusations ranging from a Stoughton police officer using his badge and handcuffs to collect private
    debts to a Brockton official getting a city electrician to work on the wiring in his new home.

    Pamela Wilmot, state executive director of the good government advocacy group Common Cause, said the
    spike probably doesn't signal a slide toward bad government. "It is unfortunate for the area, that's for sure," she
    said. "It could just be coincidence." But some state officials and government ethics experts say loose
    hierarchies, lack of leadership and a culture of corruption in local governments might be fostering the string of
    abuses. Since December, state and federal law enforcement agencies have been called to investigate:

    - The discovery of child pornography on a computer in the East Bridgewater treasurer-collector's office.
    - Abuse-of-power charges against three Stoughton police officers, including the chief.
    - The Avon Housing Authority rental voucher scandal.
    - Allegations that a Brockton city official used a city employee on city time to help build his new home.
    - Charges of nepotism within the Randolph Housing Authority.
    - Tax collection irregularities in Whitman.
    - Allegations of unfair tax assessment practices in Abington.

    Those seven are far from the first accusations of municipal corruption in the region.

    The state Ethics Commission fined former Middleboro assessor Jacob Kulian $10,215 last week after finding
    he had improperly reduced the tax assessment of his own property. And, over the last several years, a number
    of municipalities have weathered their own scandals.

    Maureen Cronin, a former clerk in the Brockton tax collector's office, was fired in 2002 after she was caught
    skimming more than $7,000 worth of late fees collected by the city. More than a decade earlier, Brockton Police
    Chief Richard Sproules was found to have been stealing cocaine from the police evidence locker and
    siphoning off city funds to pay parking tickets for political cronies. Two Hanson officials, former executive
    secretary Joseph Nugent and former building inspector Samuel Germaine, were convicted of criminal conflict-
    of-interest charges in 2002 after buying property at town auctions, then selling it at a huge profit. Former
    Hanson Conservation Commission member John Aiello has been indicted on similar charges. Taunton's
    Police Department has had its share of mavericks. Capt. Richard Pimental earned fame hosting a cable public
    access program under the name Capt. Good. His fame turned to infamy in 1999 when he was convicted on a
    charge he stole a gun from a community gun buy-back program. Also in Taunton, Stephen DeRosa had been
    on the force for less than two years when he was fired in 1997 amid allegations he had convinced a friend to
    attack his estranged wife to learn the name of her new lover. DeRosa was convicted on the conspiracy charge
    in 1999.

    And Whitman police Sgt. Glenn Pearson was fired in 2001 when a slew of abuse-of-power charges followed
    accusations that he had a stripper perform in front of students in a Massasoit Community College course he
    was teaching.

    Victor DeSantis, a political science professor at Bridgewater State College, said the structure of local
    governments may be too segmented, leaving far-flung departments and agencies to work in near isolation
    with little oversight. "The decentralized nature of many of our city and town governments creates an
    environment where things can pop up," he said. "They need to streamline local government ... create more

    The recent scandals in the Avon and Randolph housing authorities — both small offices that usually see little
    public scrutiny and infrequent review from controlling state and federal agencies — seem to support that
    theory. Morales, former head of the Avon Housing Authority's Section 8 rent voucher program, was the target of
    a federal probe and is now accused of bilking $13,000 worth of bogus fees and deposits from Section 8
    applicants. After a three-month investigation, Morales was arrested in February and charged with three felony
    counts of corrupt receipt of funds in connection with the federally funded program. Each felony count carries a
    potential penalty of 10 years in prison, three years probation and a $250,000 fine. In Randolph, Housing
    Authority board member Gail Walsh was forced from office in March and her son and daughter-in-law chose to
    quit their jobs with the agency rather than face an internal investigation into allegations they falsified time
    records, misappropriated agency property and, on one occasion, took an agency truck on vacation. The
    Randolph case is currently under review by the Norfolk County district attorney's office. Personal loyalties and
    private disputes between local officials can also contribute to power abuses, DeSantis said. "So many of these
    things are so personally driven ... so many of these are based on personality clashes," he said. "That's the
    nature of small-town politics.

    Personal relationships may be at the heart of Stoughton's police scandal, based on the cases laid out at the
    officers' arraignments recently. Three officers, including Chief Manuel Cachopa, were placed on paid leave
    after they were indicted on corruption charges. Cachopa, Sgt. David Cohen and Officer Robert Emmett
    Letendre are facing a total of 15 counts, all alleging some abuse of power.Cohen, who works as a partner in a
    local law firm by day and as a police officer by night, is alleged to have mixed the two professions, using his
    uniform to collect a debt for a client and to do favors for a friend. Cachopa and Letendre are said to have
    covered for Cohen by fabricating reports and brokering a deal with a complaining victim. Samuel Walker,
    professor of criminal justice at the University of Nebraska-Omaha and author of the book "The New World of
    Police Accountability," said it is not uncommon for corrupt cops to count on personal loyalties to hide their
    misdeeds. Walker, who has been following the Stoughton police case in the media, believes ethical lapses
    become more common in a police department as a community matures and its citizens develop more
    interpersonal ties. Police corruption "tends to be much less on the West Coast" where local government isn't
    as old an institution, he said. "There's a different kind of political culture there. They don't have these long-
    established Police, Walker said, also live with an unusual amount of temptation. "Police just have a whole lot
    of opportunity. They work at a low level with very little direct supervision. "It's easy to just shake (a criminal)
    down," Walker said. "That person's not going to complain." Walker said police scandals that involve the chief
    can be particularly difficult to root out. "Everything is leadership. Police have to know that the chief is going to be
    serious about internal investigations, serious about disciplining people, or it's going to continue," he said.

    Greed could also have been a factor in the Stoughton case. Cohen and his friend, who also splits his time
    between a law practice and the Canton Police Department, would regularly refer clients and pay referral fees to
    each other to avoid the appearance of ethical conflicts in their own departments, according to prosecutors.

    Joe Gaughan prosecuted corrupt cops during his 15 years with the state attorney general's office and with the
    Suffolk County district attorney. He's now working in private practice. Gaughan said bad cops have the same
    motivation as any other criminal. "It's greed," he said. Common Cause's Wilmot agreed, saying corruption
    tends to take an up-tick during a sour economy. "It's like any other crime," she said. During his time as a
    prosecutor, Gaughan said he didn't see an upward trend in the number of police corruption cases. "There's
    been a steady stream but the vast majority of police officers are good, law-abiding people," he said.

    Marcel Beausoleil, assistant professor of ethics at Anna Maria College and a police officer in Woonsocket, R.I.,
    for more than 20 years, said that despite the state programs and courses like his own, he doesn't "think
    there's enough ethics training for police anywhere in the country." "We talk quite a bit about the code of
    silence," he said. "As a police officer, you've got power and authority over other people. You're faced with
    greater responsibility than the average citizen. You have to live up to the public trust," Beausoleil said. Along
    with lectures, Beausoleil has students act out ethically challenging situations."We get to what would you do
    and more importantly, why would you do it," he said. "If you think these issues through before they happen,
    maybe you can prevent them from happening."

    Dennis Pinkham, director of the state's municipal police academy, said recruits aren't lacking for ethical
    training. Ethics has been integrated into every segment of the 21-week curriculum since 1997, Pinkham said.
    The state runs a total of seven police academies, five for new recruits, and turns out roughly 400 new officers
    every year. Abusing friendships for personal gain isn't a problem limited to police. Some municipal officials are
    just as likely to ask friends for favors that breach ethics rules, experts say. In March, Brockton Superintendent of
    Utilities Wayne Tartaglia was first suspended for five days, then elected to retire as an investigation looked into
    whether he had a city employee working on his new house on city time. City electrician Joseph Giovanello, a
    friend of Tartaglia's, was fired for his alleged role in the scheme. Mayor John T. Yunits has asked Plymouth
    County District Attorney Timothy Cruz to determine if the matter went beyond an ethics violation and should be
    prosecuted criminally. It's not yet clear what will happen with the misconduct probes in Abington, Whitman and
    East Bridgewater.

    State police joined the investigation into irregularities in the Whitman tax collector's office this week, nearly a
    month after town officials began an audit of tax records. Town officials there have remained mum, but it
    appears they're having trouble squaring their books and have sent some 5,000 letters to taxpayers asking that
    they review their personal financial records to verify information on file in the collector's office.

    Investigators with the Plymouth County district attorney's office found child pornography that had been
    downloaded from the Internet onto computers in the East Bridgewater treasurer-collector's office. The
    computers were pulled out of the office after town Treasurer-Collector Frank Savino was escorted out of Town
    Hall, then placed on paid administrative leave for failing to obey an order to reduce his staff due to budget

    And in Abington, the town manager has turned over to the district attorney information related to a resident's
    complaint of unfair assessing practices. James Hager, superintendent of the Southeastern Regional
    Vocational Technical High School in Easton, knows something about facing a public organization after a
    corruption scandal. He pressed for an independent examination of petty cash and other school funds shortly
    after taking over as superintendent in 1998. That probe found $50,000 unaccounted for in a petty cash account
    under the control of former business manager Patricia Cheromcka. Cheromcka, 58, formerly of Carver and
    Intervale, N.H., was convicted on Feb. 25, 2004 of three counts of larceny and sentenced to six months in jail.
    "We've begun to rebuild trust but it's still something that comes up," Hager said last week. "Only time will
    remove that from people's memories." Since the scandal, the district has drafted an employee handbook and
    tightened its accounting procedures. "We do a lot of communication with the towns we serve," he said. "You've
    got to take a look at areas that were weak ... keep everything above-board." Hager said making sure
    employees understand the standards has been one key to the school's ethical rebound. "I think they know now
    what will happen if they don't follow the rules," he said.

    Source: The Enterprise.
    retrieved April 24, 2005 from

    Relationships between police and private industry are sometimes a source of ethical dilemmas. The following
    report from the media of the relationship between a vendor of law enforcement equipment and the officers who
    use the equipment provides an interesting case study.

    Police on weapon company payrolls

    By Kevin Johnson, USA TODAY

    Washington D.C. - Hundreds of police officers nationwide also are on payrolls of companies that supply
    weapons, riot gear and other equipment to the officers' departments, creating possible conflicts of interest.
    The arrangements have involved officers who advise their departments on what equipment to buy, according to
    a survey of at least a half-dozen companies by USA TODAY.

    Taser International, the nation's leading maker of stun guns, says it pays at least 270 officers to conduct
    training seminars for other police. It also sends money to the survivors of police who are killed while on duty.
    (Related story: Taser contributes to police families)  When contacted by USA TODAY, several other private
    companies that supply equipment to police — including Armor Holdings, which makes bullet-resistant
    clothing; ASP, a police baton manufacturer; and PepperBall Technologies, a maker of pepper-spray repellent
    — said they also pay officers to train other police to use the companies' products.

    Much of the debate over such arrangements has focused on Arizona-based Taser, which in recent months has
    defended the safety of its products amid reports by Amnesty International and The Arizona Republic that more
    than 80 people have died after being shocked with electrical stun guns. About 7,000 of the nation's estimated
    16,000 police agencies use the device.

    Taser's hiring of police as trainers has come under scrutiny in several communities. Police officers in Arizona
    and Minnesota were being paid as Taser trainers while they were involved in making stun-gun purchasing
    recommendations for their departments. Last year, Minneapolis police closed an investigation when the officer
    took a full-time job with Taser. In a separate inquiry, the city of Chandler, Ariz., found no violations. That officer
    also went to work full time for Taser. Such arrangements between equipment providers and police have
    generated no formal allegations of wrongdoing. Taser International President Tom Smith says police are paid
    about $600 plus travel expenses to oversee a two-day training session on their days off. "We bring in officers
    for their expertise," he says. "You don't have nurses train pilots."

    Armor Holdings spokesman Michael Fox says the employment of police is "widely accepted" in a competitive
    industry. Law enforcement analysts say the arrangements are troubling.  "You have police officers who are
    supposed to be looking out for their departments when they have another competing interest" in a private
    company, says David Harris, a University of Toledo law professor who has studied police conduct. Hartford, Vt.,
    Police Chief Joseph Estey, president of the International Association of Chiefs of Police, says the
    arrangements are "a kind of minefield" for police executives. Estey says he "probably would not" allow an
    officer to work for a supplier.

    Equipment suppliers say the police who work for them are not involved in sales. "Police officers learn best
    from other officers," says Terry Naughton, ASP's director of corporate sales.

    One major supplier to police, gunmaker Smith & Wesson, does not employ active-duty officers. "I see it as
    somewhat of a conflict of interest," spokesman Paul Pluff says. "We don't do it."

    Source: web site. Retrieved April 25, 2005 from

    This one may go under the category: "No good deed goes unpunished". Is it good will when the Taser
    company contributes to the families of fallen officers or a marketing tactic?

    Taser contributes to police families

    By Kevin Johnson, USA TODAY

    WASHINGTON - Barely 24 hours after Officer James Prince was gunned down during a traffic stop in January
    in rural North Carolina, a package arrived in the office of Boiling Spring Lakes Police Chief Richard White.
    Inside, the chief says, was a black envelope embossed with a police badge. Attached was a message with the
    condolences of the Taser Foundation and a check for $6,500, made out to Prince's family.

    White knew Taser was a prominent maker of stun guns, a device he was urging the city to add to his
    department's arsenal to help police incapacitate suspects without using firearms. But White recalls being so
    impressed by the company's generosity toward Prince's family that he decided there was no question where
    he would take his business when the department ordered its first batch of stun guns: Taser."It definitely got us
    thinking about doing business with them," says the chief, who recently included the devices in a budget
    request for the seven-officer department. "I remember (the check) arrived even before the funeral. (Taser)
    certainly will be held in high esteem in my mind." Taser's contribution was one of dozens it has made to the
    survivors of police officers who have been killed since late last year.

    In police departments across the country, the gifts have created warm feelings for Taser International, the
    dominant supplier of stun guns in the USA. Taser has sold more than 130,000 stun guns to about 7,000 of the
    nation's 16,000 police agencies.

    'A little more sunshine'
    Like White, many police officials have considered the checks from the foundation created by Taser
    International to be simply a gesture of kindness. But some law enforcement analysts have a more critical view
    of the foundation's gifts. They say the work of the company's foundation, while generous, also allows Taser to
    boost its image among police at a time when the company is under fire over whether stun guns, which emit
    electrical charges to temporarily incapacitate suspects, might have caused dozens of deaths. "This is
    something that calls for a little more sunshine," says Samuel Walker, a University of Nebraska professor who
    studies law enforcement conduct issues. "We're in an area where appearance is everything."

    David Harris, a University of Toledo law professor who also analyzes police behavior, describes the foundation
    as a "very, very savvy" program. "If you want to be cynical about it, you'd have to say, 'Isn't this a little too
    convenient?' " Of the 53 grants listed on the Taser Foundation's Web site recently, at least 34 recipients were
    the survivors of officers who were in departments that use Taser devices or have considered buying the
    weapons, according to a review of the list by USA TODAY. The foundation has issued 69 grants to families
    totaling about $416,000.

    Taser President Tom Smith says his company's marketing efforts and its foundation are separate operations,
    and he says he is "shocked" that anyone would suggest the foundation was an attempt to curry favor with
    police agencies. He says the foundation's awards are not based on whether a deceased officer's department
    has a contract with Taser.

    "The one goal of the foundation is to help families in a time of need," Smith says. "There is no tie whatever to
    sales." Smith says Taser established the foundation late last year with a $1 million endowment provided by
    his company and its employees. "We work with (police) every day," Smith says. "We just wanted to reach out."

    'The company is giving back'Craig Floyd, chairman of the non-profit National Law Enforcement Officers
    Memorial Fund, says he believes the foundation is operated in the best interests of slain officers. "I know Rick
    and Tom Smith (company founders), and I've never seen such passion for the profession," Floyd says. "They
    are committed to making law enforcement safer. The company is giving back to an industry they have
    business in."

    Floyd acknowledges that Taser is a sponsor of his fund, which maintains a memorial to slain officers in
    Washington. Also listed as sponsors of the memorial fund are police equipment suppliers such as Glock, a
    major firearms maker; Motorola, a maker of police communication systems, and Armor Holdings, which
    makes bulletproof vests and other gear. "When you are talking about business, you always have people
    second-guessing motives," Floyd says. "But it's hard for me to question what they are doing. I think the practice
    is commendable."

    Such sentiments are echoed by New Orleans police Capt. Marlon Defillo. Last year, New Orleans Officer
    Nichole Johnson was killed while on duty, and a check from the Taser Foundation arrived in Louisiana several
    weeks later. "We didn't think it was a conflict," Defillo says. "They (foundation officials) wanted to support the
    family. In our estimation, it is apples and oranges. We thought it was a good gesture on their part." New
    Orleans police have purchased about 20 Tasers.

    California state Assemblyman Mark Leno, a critic of Taser's marketing efforts, has called on the company to
    disclose the names of officers the company has employed to train other police to use stun guns. Leno says
    there is more to the foundation than good gestures.

    "The public relations machine" at Taser, he says, "is well-greased. I've never heard of such a thing."

    Source: web site. Retrieved April 25, 2005 from

    The negligent retention of a problem employee creates an ethical dilemma for the police administrator.
    Balancing the civil service right of an employee to retain employment  against the duty of administrators to
    provide professional service can have disastrous results if not handled correctly. Here is a media account of
    one such situation.

    Apache Junction police face audit

    Jim Walsh, The Arizona Republic, Nov. 20, 2002

    Arizona - The Apache Junction police department will be audited from top to bottom in the wake of revelations
    about possible warning signs missed before a sergeant with a mental condition shot a 16-year-old boy to
    death. The management audit was approved unanimously by the City Council on Tuesday night as officials
    seek answers about whether Sgt. Robert "Woody" Haywood was fit for duty when he shot Ali Altug to death on
    April 19, 2001. Haywood claims the boy lunged at him with a knife. But Ali's father, Reha Altug, said Ali was a
    threat only to himself.

    Documents describe several instances that call Haywood's mental state into question and reveal that a SWAT
    team leader and doctor both considered him a potential threat to the public and to other officers. Police Chief
    Robert Warner said he knew Haywood was being treated by a psychiatrist and relied primarily on the doctor's
    opinion when he removed the officer from SWAT but kept him on patrol.

    But Warner said he was unaware of a memo written by Sgt. Rick Salmon, the SWAT team's leader, and
    incidents where Haywood mistakenly reported that a man pointed a gun at him and that he was under fire."
    That, for me, is a central concern," Interim City Manager George Hoffman said. He acknowledged that various
    city employees were aware of a series of incidents but no one person put them together before the shooting.

    The review would examine whether the city uses the proper procedure to determine the fitness of officers and
    how to launch an "early warning employee tracking system" to monitor stress. The council also Tuesday
    agreed to pay $50,000 to settle a lawsuit filed by Haywood.

    Source: web site
    Retrieved April 26, 2005 from

    In the following story, an attempt to raise money for a worthy cause is criticized as showing violence as fun and
    objectifying women.

    Critics Rip Girls With Guns Campaign

    April 19, 2005

    Canada - A Guelph (Canada) fund raising campaign known as Girls with Guns that grabbed national attention
    in the past is firing up controversy once again. Last year's campaign poster, which depicted eight local female
    police officers dressed in evening wear and toting guns, was the brainchild of Sgt. Cate Welsh, who oversees
    the Guelph patrol unit, and Const. Lisa Lakatos, of the force's sex crime unit. The two Guelph cops have now
    hung up their slinky dresses and guns from last year's campaign in exchange for crop tops and belt buckles
    shaped as firearm targets in this year's ad.

    "Everything about this ad is problematic," said Andrea Gunraj of the Metropolitan Action Committee on Violence
    Against Women and Children. "It shows violence as fun. It objectifies women." Anyone who sees the campaign
    as violent is "reading too much into it,"  said Guelph police Chief Rob Davis, who approved the ad. The two
    officers are hoping to raise $25,000 for Hospice Wellington

    Retrieved May 1, 2005 from